The ANC strategy that will scare many South Africans

The ANC proudly states that it is the party of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR), a Marxist-influenced strategy that, according to many critics, causes tremendous economic damage.

The NDR represents an ideological and strategic agenda that may alarm many South Africans due to its authoritarian tendencies, economic risks, and undermining of constitutional principles – all under the guise of redress.

To understand the NDR, it is important to consider South Africa’s past and the political struggle that led to the establishment of a democratic country.

South Africa’s political struggle in the twentieth century, which organisations like the ANC drove, became widely known as the NDR.

It is rooted in anti-colonial and Marxist theory and envisions a two-stage process: first achieving national liberation and democracy, then moving toward a more radical social transformation.

The NDR was forged in the 1940s to 1960s through the ANC’s alliance with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and trade unions.

It remains core to the ANC-COSATU-SACP Tripartite Alliance. SACP General Secretary Blade Nzimande said the NDR is the glue that holds the Alliance together.

Although the ANC won political power in 1994, it continues to follow the NDR as a strategic guiding light.

In a 1997 discussion document, the ANC said its character must be determined by the nature of the core tasks that confront the NDR.

“The main content of the NDR remains the liberation of the black people in general and Africans in particular,” it said.

The ANC’s 2007 Strategy and Tactics document explicitly defined the NDR’s strategic goal as “the creation of a united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society.”

It emphasised a developmental state that intervenes in the economy and tackles unemployment and poverty through state-led programmes.

ANC leaders, including ANC President Cyril Ramaphosa and ANC SG Fikile Mbalula, continue to promote the National Democratic Revolution as the party’s guiding light.

For example, on Wednesday, 6 August 2025, in an NEC media briefing, Mbalula mentioned the revolution numerous times. He explained that the ANC is the party of the NDR and that they lead the initiative.

Ramaphosa said that through the Government of National Unity (GNU), they have safeguarded the progressive policy agenda of the NDR.

He added that the NDR is the core pillar of all ANC policies, and that the GNU has enabled it to further this agenda.

Criticism of the National Democratic Revolution

The ANC’s NDR aims to extend control across all sectors of society, including the state, economy, judiciary, and civil institutions, raising concerns about the erosion of checks and balances.

Practices like cadre deployment have drawn criticism for weakening merit-based governance, with even the Constitutional Court warning of politicised appointments.

Rooted in Marxist-Leninist ideology, the NDR’s revolutionary rhetoric appears increasingly out of step with democratic norms, fuelling fears of authoritarian drift.

Economically, its push for radical transformation, including expropriation without compensation and greater state control, creates uncertainty, deters investment, and threatens property rights, leaving ordinary citizens vulnerable.

Critics also argue the NDR prioritises collective over individual rights, risking the marginalisation of minority communities and deepening social divides.

After 30 years in power, the ANC’s ongoing revolutionary framing can appear to shield poor governance from scrutiny.

Many critics have warned that the National Democratic Revolution is a Soviet-inspired strategy which provides a direct route to socialism.

In South Africa, the first stage of the NDR ended after the ANC-COSATU-SACP Tripartite Alliance came into power after the 1994 elections.

Gaining political power paved the way for the second stage of the revolution, which would take South Africa from a predominantly capitalist economy to a socialist and then communist one. 

A decade ago, the ANC began calling for ‘radical economic transformation’ and changing the structure of the economy, focusing on ownership and control.

Things like expropriation without compensation (EWC) became prominent as a way to take land from “colonialist owners and give it back to ‘the people’.”

There were also numerous other policies which give the state far more power over companies and make South Africa more socialist.

Examples include the new employment equity laws, black economic empowerment, National Health Insurance, and prescribed asset proposals.

The Institute of Race Relations (IRR) argues that the ANC is progressing its agenda by adopting laws and regulations that give it control over all levers of power.

“This further erodes constitutional safeguards, and stigmatises whites and the country’s liberal opposition,” it said.

“Much of this is being achieved with the strategic advice of allies in the Socialist International and the support of a largely progressive media and civil society.”

It added that the private sector unknowingly contributes to the implementation of the National Democratic Revolution through its compliance with damaging regulations.

“Businesses generally put great effort and resources into complying with damaging labour, EE, BEE, land reform, mining, water licensing, and other laws crucial to the NDR,” it said.

Helen Zille, the DA’s Chairperson of the Federal Council, is also a vocal critic of the ANC’s NDR.

“The National Democratic Revolution is the ANC’s plan to capture all levers of power in society, including the judiciary, the economy, and independent institutions,” she said.

Former DA leader Tony Leon described the NDR as incompatible with liberal democracy, accusing the ANC of central planning and authoritarian drift.

He warned that it results in state overreach, undermines private property rights, and cadre deployment as a mechanism for control.

While the intentions behind the NDR may be rooted in redress and justice, its ideological inflexibility, centralising tendencies, and economically disruptive potential give many South Africans reason to fear its implications.

In a constitutional democracy, a strategy that seeks to “capture” all power can rightly be seen as alarming.

This is an opinion piece. Views expressed in the article do not necessarily reflect those of Newsday.